There was a continuous process of formation and disintegration of such units. Second, there used to be intense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. Britain's Industrial Revolution was built on the de-industrialisation of India - the destruction of Indian textiles and their replacement by manufacturing in England, using Indian raw materials and exporting the finished products back to India and even the rest of the world. Jun 12, 2022. endobj Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! In no other nation has something as basic as one's clothing or an act as simple as spinning cotton become so intertwined with a national movement. Similarly, the Khedawal Brahmans were divided into Baj and Bhitra, the Nagar Brahmans into Grihastha and Bhikshuk, the Anavils into Desai and Bhathela, and the Kanbis into Kanbi and Patidar. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva division and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. In addition, they carried on overland trade with many towns in central and north India. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. Data need to be collected over large areas by methods other than those used in village studies, castes need to be compared in the regional setting, and a new general approach, analytical framework, and conceptual apparatus need to be developed. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the maintenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. It is not easy to find out if the tads became ekdas in course of time and if the process of formation of ekdas was the same as that of the formation of tads. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. The decline was further accelerated by the industrial revolution. They are divided into two main sub-castes: Leuva Patels and Kadva Patels, who claim to be descendants of Ram's twins Luv and Kush respectively. Kayatias and Tapodhans were considered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. Since the beginning of the modern reform movement to encourage inter-caste marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriagesthe old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. The Rajput links entailed the spread of Rajput culture in each Koli division and provided a certain cultural homogeneity to all the divisions. The village was a small community divided into a relatively small number of castes; the population of each caste was also small, sometimes only one or two households, with little possibility of existence of subdivisions; and there were intensive relationships of various kinds between the castes. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. In recent years, however, there has been a tendency to emphasize hierarchy as the primary principle encompassing the principle of division. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. The urban community included a large number of caste groups as well as social groups of other kinds which tended to be like communities with a great deal of internal cohesion. The two former ekdas continued to exist with diminished strength. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. A great deal of discussion of the role of the king in the caste system, based mainly on Indological literature, does not take these facts into account and therefore tends to be unrealistic. If the marriage took place within the Vania fold but outside the tad or ekda, as the case may be, the punishment varied according to the social distance between the tads or ekdas of the bride and the groom. On this Wikipedia the language links are at the top of the page across from the article title. I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. Many second-order divisions were further divided into two or three status categories. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. There was also another important correlation. For example, among the Vanias the most general rule was that a marriage of a boy could be arranged with any girl who was bhane khapati, i.e., with whom he was permitted to have commensal relations (roti vyavahar). Since after expansion of British textile markets and decline of Indian textile industry Vankars suffered a lot. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. It is a coalescence of Kolis and Rajputs on the modern political plane based on the foundation of the traditional social and cultural symbiosis under the rubric of Kshatriya. For example, just as there were Modh Vanias, there were Modh Brahmans, and similarly Khadayata Vanias and Khadayata Brahmans, Shrimali Vanias and Shrimali Brahmans, Nagar Vanias and Nagar Brahmans, and so on. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. Far too many studies of changes in caste in modern India start with a general model of caste in traditional India which is in fact a model of caste in traditional rural India. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. 3 0 obj r/ahmedabad From Mumbai. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corresponding Vania division. Then there were a number of urban divisions of specialized artisans, craftsmen and servants, as for example, Sonis (gold and silver smiths), Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Bhavsars (weavers, dyers and printers), Malis (florists), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Kachhias (vegetable sellers), Darjis (tailors), Dabgars (makers of drums, saddles and such other goods involving leather), Ghanchis (oil pressers), Golas ferain and spice pounders and domestic servants), Dhobis (washermen), Chudgars (banglemakers), and Tambolis (sellers of area nuts, betel leaves, etc.). Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. Let me illustrate briefly. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. The Mehta family name was found in the USA, and the UK between 1891 and 1920. Each ekda or gol was composed of a definite number of families living in certain villages and/or towns. The associations activities in the field of marriage, such as reform to customs, rituals and ceremonies, and encouragement of inter-divisional marriages, are also seen by the members as a service to the nationas the castes method of creating a casteless modern society. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). Finally, while an increasing number of marriages are taking place even across the boundaries of first-order divisions, as for example, between Brahmans and Vanias, and between Vanias and Patidars, such marriages even now form an extremely small proportion of the total number of marriages. We shall return to the Rajput-Koli relationship when we consider the Kolis in detail. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). In many villages in Gujarat, particularly in larger villages, one or two first-order divisions would be represented by more than one second-order division. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. I shall first provide an analysis of caste in the past roughly during the middle of the 19th century, and then deal with changes in the modern times. www.opendialoguemediations.com. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. Both were recognized as Brahman but as degraded ones. The lowest stratum among the Khedawals tried to cope with the problem of scarcity of brides mainly by practising ignominious exchange marriage and by restricting marriage of sons in a family to the younger sons, if not to only the youngest. Although the number of inter-ekda marriages has been increasing, even now the majority of marriages take place within an ekda. History. Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. This list may not reflect recent changes. For describing the divisions of the remaining two orders, it would be necessary to go on adding the prefix sub but this would make the description extremely clumsy, if not meaningless. To obtain a clear understanding of the second-order divisions with the Koli division, it is necessary first of all to find a way through the maze of their divisional names. Jun 12, 2022 . He does not give importance to this possibility probably because, as he goes on to state, what is sought here is a universal formula, a rule without exceptions (ibid.). There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. <>/Metadata 3086 0 R/ViewerPreferences 3087 0 R>> The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. Let us now return to a consideration of the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the third or the fourth order. There was apparently a close relation between a castes internal organization and the size and spatial distribution of its population. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. It is not claimed that separation, or even repulsion, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor (1972: 346,n.55b). Inclusion of a lower-order division in a higher-order one and distinction between various divisions in a certain order was not as unambiguous. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. Frequently, marriages were arranged in contravention of a particular rule after obtaining the permission of the council of leaders and paying a penalty in advance. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. yorba linda football maxpreps; weiteste entfernung gerichtsbezirk; wyoming rockhounding locations google maps; The four major woven fabrics produced by these communities are cotton, silk, khadi and linen. Typically, a village consists of the sections of various castes, ranging from those with just one household to those with over u hundred. He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. The most Mehta families were found in USA in 1920. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medieval period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolatedsome may say, alienatedfrom the rural masses from generation to generation. 4 0 obj Although it has been experiencing stresses and strains and has had ups and downs on account of the enormous diversity between the royal and the tribal ends, it has shown remarkable solidarity in recent years. The migrants, many of whom came from heterogeneous urban centres of Gujarat, became part of an even more heterogeneous environment in Bombay. For example, a good number of villages in central Gujarat used to have both Talapada and Pardeshi Kolis and Brahmans belonging to two or three of their many second-order divisions. Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. We have seen how one second-order division among Brahmans, namely, Khedawal, was marked by continuous internal hierarchy and strong emphasis on hypergamy on the one hand and by absence of effective small endogamous units on the other. No analytical gains are therefore likely to occur by calling them by any other name. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. It is important to note that the more literate and learned Brahmans lived in towns, more particularly in capital and pilgrim towns, which were, indeed, the centres of higher Hindu culture and civilization. In the second-order divisions of the Vanias the small endogamous units functioned more effectively and lasted longer: although the hypergamous tendency did exist particularly between the rural and the urban sections in a unit, it had restricted play. One may say that there are now more hypogamous marriages, although another and perhaps a more realistic way of looking at the change would be that a new hierarchy is replacing the traditional one. Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. In a paper on Caste among Gujaratis in East Africa, Pocock (1957b) raised pointedly the issue of the relative importance of the principles of division (he called it difference) and hierarchy. The main thrust of Pococks paper is that greater emphasis on difference rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. Radhvanaj Rajputs were clearly distinguished from, and ranked much above local Kolis. The Rajputs, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only horizontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have discernible boundaries at the lowest level. During Mughal Empire India was manufacturing 27% of world's textile and Gujarati weavers dominated along with Bengali weavers in Indian textile trade industry overseas. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. They had an internal hierarchy similar to that of the Leva Kanbis, with tax-farmers and big landlords at the top and small landowners at the bottom. The two considered themselves different and separateof course, within the Kanbi foldwhere they happened to live together in the villages in the merger zone between north and central Gujarat and in towns. They were involved in agriculture in one way or another. This was dramatized in many towns at the mahajan (guild) feasts when all the members of the guild of traders would eat together. The fact that Mahatma Gandhi came from a small third-order division in the Modh Vania division in a town in Saurashtra does not seem to be an accident. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. What I am trying to point out, however, is that greater emphasis on division (Pococks difference, Dumonts separation. The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category Rajput. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. In all there were about eighty such divisions. They have been grouped in Vaishya category of Varna system. The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term caste cluster, caste complex or caste category is used for divisions of a higher order and the term caste or jati is used for divisions of a lower order. endobj I have bits and pieces of information about relations between a considerable numbers of other lower-order divisions in their respective higher-order divisions. professor melissa murray. I hope to show in this paper how the principle of division is also a primary principle competing with the principle of hierarchy and having important implications for Indian society and culture. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. Here, usually, what mattered was the first-order division, as for example Brahman, Vania, Rajput, Kanbi, carpenter, barber, leather-worker, and so on. Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. The larger castes and even larger subdivisions among them used to have their houses segregated on their own streets (called pol, sheri, khadki, vad, khancho). It was also an extreme example of a division having a highly differentiated internal hierarchy and practising hypergamy as an accepted norm. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. They then spread to towns in the homeland and among all castes. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. Many of these names were also based on place names. As could be expected, there were marriages between fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. This tendency reaches its culmination in the world of Dumont. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. Another major factor in the growth of urban centres in Gujarat was political. Bougies repulsion) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. The primarily urban castes linked one town with another; the primarily rural linked one village with another; and the rural-cum-urban linked towns with villages in addition to linking both among themselves. Disclaimer 9. Sindhollu, Chindollu. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. Weavers became beggars, manufacturing collapsed and the last 2000 years of Indian textile industry was knocked down. The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in villages. Privacy Policy 8. The marital alliances of the royal families forming part of the Maratha confederacy, and of the royal families of Mysore in south India and of Kashmir and Nepal in the north with the royal families of Gujarat and Rajasthan show, among other things, how there was room for flexibility and how the rule of caste endogamy could be violated in an acceptable manner at the highest level.
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